Julianne Malveaux Sun Reporter

 

SIMMERING ACTIVISM - THE STATE OF THE BLACK WORLD

BY JULIANNE MALVEAUX

 

            Ron Daniels, Executive Director of the New York-based Center for Constitutional Rights and convener of the State of the Black World conference said as many as 2500 people came through to hear Haki Madhibuti, Danny Glover, Maxine Waters, Sonia Sanchez, Rev. Jesse Jackson, Rev. Al Sharpton, and others assess the status of black people.

 

                They came despite the fact that people aren’t traveling.  They came despite the fact that we are all supposed to take only one position on terrorism.  Folks came – graduate students, professors, activists, and scholars – because they care.  They came to talk, to throw down, to organize, to mobilize.  They came, and I was excited.

 

                I didn’t start out excited, to be honest.  I’m not sure what my expectations were.  I went because Ron Daniels is a friend and he asked me to come.  I wasn’t sure how many folks would come, but I decided that I had to be down with the program.  I was a little bent that things started late, that the pouring of libation took more than half an hour, that among real activists there were a few star-acting fools who walked with their entourages and egos.

 

                That wasn’t what it was about, though.  It was about the graduate students like Perdue University’s Kim Ellis who threw down on the Tulsa Riots and made a parallel between that terrorism and the terrorism we are experiencing now.  The girl was baaad, and there were dozens of young brothers and sister, throwing their stuff out there, made me feel old, made me feel blessed, made me feel so incredibly proud at the young brothers and sisters following in our footsteps.

 

                It was about black folks communicating, and yet it was about a walk back down memory lane.  There was a conference much like this 30 years ago, with some of the same players, even, and so this time around some issues were revisited, and others were introduced.  Just about every component of our community was present, though the absence of black folks in organized labor was glaring.

 

                One of the highlights of the conference was the presentation Rev. Al Sharpton made about his exploratory Presidential quest.  Sharpton is a man on a mission.  He says he wants to make sure that Democrats don’t drift so far to center that they become Demublicans.  In his rousing talk, he made a passionate case that there is room for him in a Presidential race.  And he says his candidacy will expand the Presidential discourse, especially since Democrats and Republicans look more and more alike since September 11.

 

                Still, how much expanding will Sharpton really do?  I sat next to him and was apart of a panel that questioned him at the State of the Black World Conference, and found him to bubble over with energy, while falling short on platform.  What would he do about economic stimulus?  He says he wouldn’t cut corporate taxes.  Senator Tom Daschle (D-SD) says the same thing.  He says he’d rebuild our nation’s infrastructure.  A score of progressive Democrats, including Jesse Jackson, Jr. (D-Ill) have made the same point.  How would he deal with Social Security?  He says it shouldn’t be privatized.  So does Al Gore.  In street parlance, Sharpton is pushing Democratic Kool-Aid with a little bit of flavor.  I’m not sure how that expands the discourse and debate.

 

                To be sure, Sharpton is far more pointed on race matters and foreign policy.  He is pointed on issues of racial profiling, especially around September 11.  He chided African Americans not to believe the hype and support the profiling of Arab Americans, and he was stinging in his criticism of our nation’s Israel policy.  And, to his credit, he dismissed notions that his potential Presidential run is a Jesse Jackson rip-off, and was clear at the opportunities, including victories at the state and local level, that a Sharpton race might produce.  If you don’t run, you can’t win, he said, and people cheered.  Still, there will be no winners if Mr. Sharpton doesn’t develop a compelling and unique platform.

 

                In other words, Sharpton can run a marquee campaign that will never be as successful as the 1984 and 1988 “Run, Jesse, Run” campaigns.  Or, he can do as Nader, Bradley, and even Perot have done with independent (or long-shot) races and develop a platform that clearly distinguishes him from the mainstream.  He can galvanize people simply because he’s Sharpton, or he can fine-tune the debate by reminding Democrats of what they need to stand for.  Whatever he does, the majority will see him as a flawed vessel in which we can carry progressive water.  But if he makes it all about Al, not all about the people, he runs the risk of advancing nothing more than his own ambitions.

 

                It’s early yet for Sharpton – at least 18 months before the big boys (and girls) come out flexing their muscles and talking about their goals.  It’s early enough for his exploratory committee to run him through a hundred or so cities, to hold regional meetings, and to assess the way people respond to him.  Sharpton shouldn’t allow himself to be fooled by the cheers he will get from crowds like those at the State of the Black World Conference.  They appreciate him, as much as anything, for the “in your face” quality he uses to confront the establishment.  But appreciation won’t translate into motivation unless Sharpton brings something new to the table.  He can’t just broaden the discourse.  He also has to bring substance to it.  If he can combine substance with simmering progressive activism, Sharpton could be a powerful force in 2004.


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