Julianne Malveaux Commentary

 

BROADENING THE DISCOURSE

BY JULIANNE MALVEAUX


 

            Rev. Al Sharpton is a man on a mission.  He says he wants to make sure that Democrats don’t drift so far to center that they become Demublicans.  So he’s running for President – or at least he’s running toward a run.  He spoke to a group of about a thousand activists at the State of the black World conference in Atlanta last weekend.  And in his rousing talk, he made a passionate case that there is room for him in a Presidential race.

 

                Sharpton’s exploratory committee posts such African American luminaries as Harvard Professor Cornel West.  It is bolstered by Sharpton’s 90 day incarceration because of he protested US bombings in Puerto Rico’s Vieques.  And, some of his supporters say, it has legs because Sharpton has run credible campaigns for Senator, and for New York City’s Mayor.  In both cases, Sharpton got more votes than anyone expected him to, and showed that he could “stomp with the big dogs” of majority politics, holding his own in some debates, and bringing much-needed gravitas to others.

 

                His quest to run is made more urgent by the hegemony that September 11 has engendered.  There’s not much debate out there, whether the issue is civil liberties or racial profiling.  People feel prepared to embrace President Bush and his minions around a range of issues, and that stifles conversation.  We are prepared to allow the FBI to detain people without explanation, to allow them to eavesdrop on conversations between attorneys and their clients.  We are prepared to bomb rubble on top of rubble in Afghanistan without having conversation about our foreign policy.  Democrats have entertained some of the most conservative economic proposals in the name of supporting the President.  If Sharpton can expand the debate, some say, that’s a good thing.

 

                Still, how much expanding will Sharpton really do?  I sat next to him and was apart of a panel that questioned him at the State of the Black World Conference, and found him to bubble over with energy, while falling short on platform.  What would he do about economic stimulus?  He says he wouldn’t cut corporate taxes.  Senator Tom Daschle (D-SD) says the same thing.  He says he’d rebuild our nation’s infrastructure.  A score of progressive Democrats, including Jesse Jackson, Jr. (D-Ill) have made the same point.  How would he deal with Social Security?  He says it shouldn’t be privatized.  So does Al Gore.  In street parlance, Sharpton is pushing Democratic Kool-Aid with a little bit of flavor.  I’m not sure how that expands the discourse and debate.

 

                To be sure, Sharpton is far more pointed on race matters and foreign policy.  He is pointed on issues of racial profiling, especially around September 11.  He chided African Americans not to believe the hype and support the profiling of Arab Americans, and he was stinging in his criticism of our nation’s Israel policy.  And, to his credit, he dismissed notions that his potential Presidential run is a Jesse Jackson rip-off, and was clear at the opportunities, including victories at the state and local level, that a Sharpton race might produce.  If you don’t run, you can’t win, he said, and people cheered.  Still, there will be no winners if Mr. Sharpton doesn’t develop a compelling and unique platform.

 

                In other words, Sharpton can run a marquee campaign that will never be as successful as the 1984 and 1988 “Run, Jesse, Run” campaigns.  Or, he can do as Nader, Bradley, and even Perot have done with independent (or long-shot) races and develop a platform that clearly distinguishes him from the mainstream.  He can galvanize people simply because he’s Sharpton, or he can fine-tune the debate by reminding Democrats of what they need to stand for.  Whatever he does, the majority will see him as a flawed vessel in which we can carry progressive water.  But if he makes it all about Al, not all about the people, he runs the risk of advancing nothing more than his own ambitions.

 

                It’s early yet for Sharpton – at least 18 months before the big boys (and girls) come out flexing their muscles and talking about their goals.  It’s early enough for his exploratory committee to run him through a hundred or so cities, to hold regional meetings, and to assess the way people respond to him.  Sharpton shouldn’t allow himself to be fooled by the cheers he will get from crowds like those at the State of the Black World Conference.  They appreciate him, as much as anything, for the “in your face” quality he uses to confront the establishment.  But appreciation won’t translate into motivation unless Sharpton brings something new to the table.  He can’t just broaden the discourse.  He also has to bring substance to it.


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